Chapter Five
From Camp Rector to Bowling Green
In January 1861, a rumor was circulating in Little Rock that a Major Emory of the regular army, had been ordered to reinforce the garrison stationed in the arsenal of that city. The rumor gained substantial validity when that topic was among the first sent between Memphis and the capitol, via the newly constructed telegraph line. “This rumor, whether true or false, had been mentioned with gratification by divers friends of the Union cause in the city, and as Fort Gibson was only 80 miles west of Fort Smith, and the river navigable, it was a piece of news worthy of a telegraphic message.” From Memphis, the message was forwarded to Helena that night, where, the next morning, it caused “great excitement”. (1)
A mass meeting was held by the citizens of Helena and surrounding towns in which they resolved to send to the governor in Little Rock 500 volunteers to take the arsenal. The governor, Henry Rector, replied by reminding the people that, as Arkansas had not seceded and might never secede, he had no authority to command such an order. Instead of pacifying the crowd, “the immediate effect” aroused “not only the citizens of Helena and vicinity, but all the planting region which received the news, and the movement to take the arsenal was immediately set on foot”. (2)
The Yell Rifles and the Phillips Guards traveled via steamboat down the Mississippi and up the Arkansas River, arriving in Little Rock on February 5. If a patriotic reception was what they expected, they were sorely disappointed: only one citizen greeted them at the dock. Nevertheless, the two companies eagerly loaded their guns and marched in formation to the governor’s mansion for instruction. There, they received even less of a welcome by the governor, who claimed that the rumor was false and that he was opposed to any action, at this time. Disappointed, the companies marched to the capitol grounds and set up camp. During the night they were joined by a company of cavalry commanded by Captain Gist, brother to the governor of South Carolina, who had also heard of the rumor. Another infantry company arrived as well as several “impromptu organizations” on horseback, until about thousand men were present on the capitol grounds, expecting anxiously to take the arsenal. (3)
That next day, the citizens met and called upon the governor to “prevent the effusion of blood” by interceding between the militia and the commander of the Federal troops, Captain Totten, stationed in the arsenal. On February 8, Captain Totten agreed to the governor’s request to surrender the arsenal to the command of the state authorities and removed his 75 men to a camp near the river to await transportation. Many of Little Rock’s wealthy citizens, being of Northern descent, were so appreciative of the “gallant” way in which the Federal captain had handled the situation, that they followed him and his troops in a procession down to the river, where, much to Cleburne’s chagrin, the ladies presented a sword to the commander as a sign of friendship. (4)
The Phillips Guards were remained in Little Rock to garrison the arsenal; the grounds surrounding it subsequently became a campground for volunteers to bivouac and held patriotic social events. As for the Yell Rifles, they supplied themselves with minie balls from the arsenal, as authorized by the governor, and then returned to Helena.
By March 4, South Carolina, Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas had seceded. That day, a state convention was held in Little Rock to determine what course Arkansas should take. Hindman arrived just in time for this meeting, having left Washington on March 2. After a lengthy debate, the convention recessed, designating August 5 for a popular vote, to determine “the sense of the people”; after which, the convention would re-assemble on August 19. Hindman, knowing the situation was immediate from his experiences in the House of Representatives, how, shortly before he left, Northern representatives had presented a “force bill” which would allow the president to call militia to suppress the insurrection, he traveled to his district to promote “immediate secession”. (5)
As it turned out, Hindman’s efforts were not necessary. After the fight at Fort Sumter in April, Lincoln called for 75,000 volunteers; 780 of these, he hoped, would be from Arkansas. The governor, in his reply, stated that Arkansas would not fight against her sister states, and that his demand had only added “insult to injury”. Anticipating the state’s secession, the governor ordered several volunteer companies in the eastern part of the state to rendezvous at Camp Frank Rector, located in Mound City. (6)
In retaliation of an incident which occurred when city officials in Cincinnati seized arms and munitions being sent to Helena, the City Council of Helena ordered the seizure of all boats, owned by Cincinnati interests, which came by the city. On April 25, Captain Cleburne, the Yell Rifles, and a gathering crowd of spectators stood behind Helena’s biggest weapon, a four-pounder cannon, awaiting the arrival of a Cincinnati-owned steamboat, Queen of the West. When she came churning round the bend, Captain Cleburne defiantly fired the ball, safely in front of its bow, and brought her to shore. Armed city councilmen boarded the vessel and demanded to know the ownership. The reply, which must have shocked Cleburne, was the firm, Rogers & Sherlock of Cincinnati. As the councilmen were about to seize the boat, Cleburne tried to “implore” that Sherlock was his brother-in-law, and that he was “a good Southern man”. Under these assurances, the command of the boat was given back to the captain. Writing to his family in Newport, Kentucky, Cleburne wrote that the captain, “who lives in Covington, can give you the particulars, and if he has any gratitude in his soul, should befriend you for my sake”. (7)
Shortly after this, on Sunday morning, April 27, the Yell Rifles assembled on Ohio Street, Stars and Bars proudly flapping in the breeze and marched to the church for service, where hundreds were gathered. Following services, in which the pastor prayed for God’s blessings upon the Rifles in the coming conflict, Cleburne was presented a Bible for the company. After responding with a short speech which was chocked with emotion, Cleburne and the Rifles formed outside, marched to the steamboat landing as hundreds of spectators waved Bonnie Blue Flags and wished them well. As they boarded, Hindman, who had recently resigned from Congress, delivered a stirring speech and then they were off for Camp Rector.
On May 6, the state convention assembled and voted in favor of secession, 69 to 1. Almost immediately, new companies with names such as the Conway Tigers, the Dixie Grays, the Rough and Ready Volunteers, even the Hindman Guards sprang up in different parts of the state, full of men answering the call to arms. Although he did not shoulder a musket or lead a company at first, Hindman was instrumental in the formation of a military board, which elected James Yell as major general over the various militia companies in the state. The board also elected two brigadier generals, Thomas Bradley and N.B. Pearce, to command the eastern and western portions of the state, in that order. By June 1, however, Hindman was ready to take command of the ten companies which he had recruited around Helena and Pine Bluff.
“Well do I remember the excitement, the bonfires, the speeches stirring the young hearts to action, as well as the older”, wrote a judge who had recently enlisted in a company. The same spirit of war which prevailed in Arkansas shortly after secession was equally present in Texas, where a recently-married Hiram Bronson Granbury reorganized the Waco Guards. It had originally been formed as a mounted frontier unit to fight Indians. Now, with Captain Granbury at the front “yesterday’s clerks, lawyers, students, and farmers formed a column” and began their march to Marshall, where they would join up with the 7th Texas Infantry Regiment. (8)
A young Irving Buck, who would serve in the future as Cleburne’s assistant adjutant general, worked in Baltimore and was witness to a fight which erupted in the streets between the 6th Massachusetts Regiment, which was in route to Washington, and civilians. In a letter to his home in the Shenandoah Valley, he described how the civilians had erected a barricade in the 6th path, driving “the Massachusetts troops back” with nothing more than stones. Exalting at their success, he exclaimed that “Fifty thousand men could not pass through here to day”. Approximately nine civilians and four soldiers were killed. (9)
“As for myself, I know nothing of the future, but I suppose I will have a conspicuous share in the events approaching” Cleburne wrote Robert from Camp Rector. Perhaps more so than most of his fellow Southerners, Cleburne understood what a failure would mean in their fight for independence. Time after time, he had witnessed failed attempts for independence in Ireland and the disastrous results. Yet he felt confident that “the North will eventually retreat from this unholy war, shattered and disgraced”.
I am captain of a splendid company of Rifleman from Helena. The majority are the young planters of the county. We number 100 men and are armed with the latest improved army rifles. On tomorrow our election will take place for colonel of the 1st Arkansas Regiment of Volunteers stationed with other forces at this camp. All the companies appear determined to elect me colonel. This is a fearfully responsible position and I dread the honor but intend to turn my whole attention to it and do the best I can for the cause I am embarked in.
In closing his letter, he wrote: “Give my love to Mamma, Issy & Chris and tell them I hope we shall one day meet again, if not on earth, in heaven.” (10)
Several days following the election, the troops of Eastern Arkansas were commanded by Brigadier General Thomas Bradley to convene, from their various encampments, to Fort Randolph. Upon arrival, the troops questioned Bradley’s authority and demanded that Cleburne be put in his stead. However, Cleburne reported for duty and the mutiny subsided.
A few days later, Bradley sent a reconnaissance force to Bearsfields Point to verify rumors of a Federal invasion from St. Louis. Upon mere speculation of the enemies’ whereabouts, Cleburne’s regiment led the advance of a grueling 25-mile march northward, which tried the undisciplined volunteers and gave them more reason to doubt Bradley’s competence. The supplies which Bradley had had rationed soon ran out and still there was no sign of the enemy.
Bradley, convinced that the enemy was near, ordered the tired and hungry troops, with the exception of some scouts, to return to Fort Randolph, thereby abandoning much-needed supplies at Bearsfields Point. When the scouts arrived back at the fort, they too reported no enemy sightings. The volunteers were furious at Bradley for his mishandling of the expedition and again called for Cleburne to take command. Cleburne contacted Bradley’s superior, Judge Hanly, at the state convention in Little Rock:
Arkansas forces returned from Bearsfield Point between two suns; a quantity of material abounded; scouting party of picked men abandoned; no enemy nearer than Cairo; we are the laughing stock of the Tennesseans; cause damaged in the north-east. Answer.
Although Cleburne wanted to dispose of Bradley via chain of command, the troops would not wait and arrested the brigadier, imprisoning him aboard a steamboat. The captain of one of the companies in the regiment briefly notified headquarters: “We have deposed Bradley; appoint Col. Cleburne and satisfy regiment”. From his room aboard the steamer, Bradley dictated a telegram: “I have been suspended from my command; I am coming to Little Rock”. (11)
Meanwhile, Cleburne had taken his regiment to a high bluff overlooking the Mississippi. He had chosen this place for its strategic qualities. From the bluff, one could easily fire down upon enemy boats. On June 10, while the construction of the fort was in progress, Cleburne and five other officers were placed under arrest for mutiny, despite the troops’ protests. Bradley, fearing that looking into the case too closely would expose his military blunders, chose to leave the decision to General Pillow. Pillow exonerated Cleburne and the other officers of wrongdoing and the trial was over. Bradley was subsequently stripped of his rank and never heard from again. Cleburne returned to his regiment and fort. Under his close supervision, the men dug trenches and set up fortifications on the surrounding cliffs until the end of June, when ‘Fort Cleburne’ was completed. That next month, its name would change to Fort Pillow.
In June, Cleburne traveled to Memphis where he met Bradley’s replacement, Brigadier General William Hardee. Hardee was a native Georgian and distinguished West Pointer. Hardee saw the military ability in Cleburne and Cleburne recognized Hardee’s leadership, something which Bradley had lacked.
Hardee traveled to Little Rock to meet with the Arkansas Military Board. “Initially skeptical of turning Arkansas troops over to this Georgian, Governor Rector and the other members of the board were converted by Hardee’s tactful diplomacy as well as his glittering military reputation.” Therefore, the command of seven regiments of infantry, one regiment of cavalry, and five batteries of artillery were turned over to him. (12)
Despite Cleburne’s approval of Hardee, there were state leaders who were opposed to Arkansas troops being sent out of the state and troops who were weary of ‘outside’ commanders. In the end, about 60% of the troops at Camp Rector and eight out of ten companies in Cleburne’s regiment agreed to transfer to the Confederacy.
Cleburne’s Regiment, now totaling 488 officers and men, were ordered to move to Pittman’s Ferry. On July 4, this number was added to when the Crittenden Rangers joined the regiment. A few day later, Cleburne’s 9 regiments and the Helena Artillery steamed down the river, past Helena, and arrived at Pittman’s Ferry, where the work of training citizens into soldiers began.
“Many carried bowie knives and pistols in their belts in addition to the rifles on their shoulders”, Daniel Govan, native Mississippian and Phillips County planter wrote. “It will require energy and dispatch to place this command in condition to take the field.” Such was the situation which Hardee found at Pittman’s Ferry. He quickly noticed, that among all the regiments assembled there, Cleburne’s Regiment was by far the best. Cleburne’s assessment of his troops was a bit more precise, as he recorded:
Discipline: Only Tolerably Disciplined
Instruction: Good
Military Appearance: Good
Arms: Armed with Minnie Rifles
Accoutrements: Very inferior
Concerning clothing, the colonel recorded for 4 companies, “a very bad condition many men without a single Shirt or Pr Pants”. An article in the Weekly Arkansas Gazette, dated July 20, complained of their condition.
Though, as a general thing, our army is admirably clothed, Col. Cleburne's regiment have been in the field until their clothes are somewhat the worse for the wear. We would suggest the propriety of a complete new suit being made and forwarded to every soldier in that regiment. It can be done by a few counties, and the burthen not felt. Even if more clothes were sent than this regiment need, they can, doubtless, be distributed advantageously among some of the soldiers of the other commands. Who will move in this matter? (13)
The Federals held Eastern Missouri principally by two cities: St. Louis and Ironton. Stationed in St. Louis were 4,000 home guards. Ironton, the terminus of one of the railroads coming out of St. Louis, was guarded by 3,000 Federal troops. There were 2,000 Confederate troops in Bloomfield, Missouri commanded by General Jeff Thompson. Major General Leonidas Polk was in Memphis. With his orders, Polk would send General Pillow, commanding 6,000 Tennesseans, to advance to New Madrid, Missouri. The plan called for Hardee, Thompson, and Pillow to meet in Ironton and after capturing it, move on to St. Louis. From St. Louis, they would move up the Missouri, raising troops and driving the enemy from the state.
Hardee took two of his three regiments (Cleburne’s and Hindman’s) with him on this expedition, leaving his third regiment behind to protect supplies at Pittman’s Ferry. After marching over 40 miles of rough roads, the brigade arrived in Greenville, Missouri on August 4th. Meanwhile, Pillow arrived in New Madrid. From here, things went downhill. Pillow questioned the practicability of a route from New Madrid to Ironton and differed with Hardee about the point of attack. Hardee ordered 500 of Thompson’s men to break the Ironton Railroad thus cutting off supplies. However, Pillow was seized with the fear of being out flanked by a river squadron and overran Hardee’s order by persuading Missouri’s governor to have Thompson’s men to aid him. To counter act this, Hardee sent some of his own cavalry to destroy the railroad, but they were not successful. Finally, Hardee called upon Major General Polk to order Pillow forward to Ironton. Polk declined, saying that his authority stopped at the Mississippi.
Though the advance was halted, Cleburne continued to drill his men even through the hot August days. Basil Duke, later to become a brigadier general in John Hunt Morgan’s cavalry, recalled:
I cannot remember that I ever saw an officer who was so industrious and persistent in his efforts properly to drill and instruct the men under his command. He took great interest in everything connected with tactics, and personally taught it all, and was occupied from morning until night in superintending squad, company, and battalion drill, guard mounting, inspection and, indeed, everything mentioned in the books or that he could conceive of. I have seen him during the hottest hours of the hottest days of August instruct squad after squad in the bayonet exercise until I wondered how any human frame could endure the fatigue that his exertions must have induced.
One day, in the second week of August, a report arrived that the Federals in Ironton were advancing. Cleburne formed his men and one artillery piece and advanced northward to meet them. To Cleburne’s disgust, he learned that the six men from the artillery crew had broken into a nearby home and plundered it. Immediately, Cleburne ordered the men to fall back and be put under arrest. Suddenly, scouts galloped up and warned that the Federals were getting closer. The captain of the artillery piece tried to persuade Cleburne to temporally release the men so that they could work the gun. Cleburne refused and ordered that the gun be taken to the rear. Then, he declared that “his men expected to fill honorable graves and not to rest side by side with thieves.” Although the Federal attack never came, Cleburne’s men did not forget the incident. One veteran later said that the “moral effect of Cleburne’s announcement was profound”. (14)
With the campaign now at a halt and sickness sweeping through Hardee’s camp, Polk ordered the retreat. On September 2, 1861 Hardee’s Brigade arrived back in Pittman’s Ferry. In Memphis, Polk was eying the Federal’s movements in Missouri carefully. Seeing that they were about to advance into Kentucky, Polk ordered the Confederates to move into that state. On September 17th, Hardee received the order to advance from Pittman’s Ferry to Point Pleasant. From here, they would join up with Confederates in Kentucky. In reply to Polk, Hardee wrote:
I have already given Colonel Cleburne orders to move with his regiment as soon as practicable and repair the Point Pleasant plank road. I agree with you that this route, if practicable, which I shall soon ascertain, is the shortest and easiest by which I can place my command in supporting distance of your force…As soon as the plank road is repaired, I shall transport my command to Point Pleasant with the least practicable delay.
Cleburne wrote his first military report to Major General Polk on September 27, 1861:
By order of Br Genl Hardee the first Regiment Arkansas Volunteers under my command left Pitmans Ferry on the 19th inst for Point Pleasant. We have arrived at this point and will reach our destination early tomorrow. I am directed by Genl Hardee to report to you on my arrival and to take measures to have supplies sent us at Point Pleasant. My command started with twelve days provisions and we will soon be out altogether. The whole command under Genl Hardee is already—or will in a day or two be—on the way. We will all need provisions for present use. Our supplies I understand will be shipped round by way of Napoleon [a port at the confluence of the Arkansas and Mississippi Rivers] and it will take some time to get them to Point Pleasant. I found the roads across the Swamps of Black and the two Cache Rivers practicable for the march of an army. The plank road across the sunk Swamp lands was also in good condition. Genl Hardee’s forces will therefore soon be at the Point. (15)
Once the rest of Hardee’s Brigade arrived at Point Pleasant, they traveled by steamboat to Columbus. Next, they boarded a train for the 175-mile ride to Bowling Green. “It may have occurred to Cleburne as the train rumbled northward that this was the same railroad that led to Covington and Newport, across the Ohio from Cincinnati where his stepmother, sister, and two of his half brothers lived. What had become of them? The last he had heard, Joe was planning to join the Union army and Robert was wavering, hoping that Kentucky could preserve its neutrality. Had they joined Lincoln’s army? Were they, even now, in the ranks of the army he was rushing to fight?” (16)
When Hardee’s Brigade arrived in Bowling Green, Albert Sidney Johnston, the new Confederate commander, received them gladly. Hardee and Buckner were promoted to major generals; this would make them division commanders. Hardee named Cleburne, Hindman, and R.G. Shaver brigade commanders. With this promotion, the brigadier general’s commission would likely follow. Cleburne’s Brigade, the 2nd Brigade in Hardee’s Division, consisted of the 1st and 5th Arkansas, the 6th Mississippi, and the 5th Tennessee Regiments.
The position of the Army of Central Kentucky were as follows: Boling Green was connected by rail to the logistic base at Nashville and Polk’s troops were at Columbus. Johnston’s right flank was stretched out across the Appalachian Mountains and his left flank was dependant upon two forts: Fort Henry on the Tennessee River and Fort Donelson on the Cumberland. Since the Confederates were stretched thinly over this 300-mile line, Johnston would have to deceive the enemy as to the Confederate’s numbers. Johnston ordered his commanders to conduct marches into no man’s land that would keep the Federals on the defensive.
On November 9th, Johnston received word of a Federal force at Jamestown, 75 miles southeast of Boling Green. Johnston therefore ordered Hardee to select around 1,200 infantry and go down to Jamestown on an intelligence mission. Johnston instructed that Hardee’s general should attack and destroy the enemy if they are not in too great a force, “examine the roads leading to Gallatin, as it is reported that attempts will be made by the enemy to reach and cut the railway in that district”, and to “create the impression in the country that this force is only an advance guard”. Hardee selected Colonel Cleburne for the job. A half section of artillery and a squadron of the 8th Texas Cavalry Regiment were added to Cleburne’s Brigade for this mission. Cleburne started off that same day. (17)
When Cleburne arrived in Scottsville, he reported they had an “enthusiastic reception”. However, upon reaching Jamestown, Cleburne wrote that “they knew of our approach…and seem bitterly hostile”. “Nearly every house has some member with friend in the Lincoln Army.” Cleburne reported that about 40 or 50 cavalry were seen near their camp and had sent some men after them. Before the close of the letter to Hardee, he reported there were 3,000 Federals in Campbellsville, 2,500 at Columbia, and 3,000 at Lebanon. (18)
On November 13th, Cleburne reported from Tompkinsville. “We did not find a friend along the whole road from Jamestown here; the houses were closed, the country apparently deserted. We saw a few women and children, but in almost every instance they were surprised and tried to run and conceal themselves at our approach; they have been told, and evidently believed, that we were burning, killing, and destroying as we advanced. One old woman met us with an open Bible in her hand, said she was prepared and ready to die, and could not be convinced that we meant her no harm.” (19)
Before arriving in Tompkinsville, Cleburne sent scouts ahead to make sure no Federals were there. The scouts came back and reported no enemy sightings. The march into Tompkinsville was to be a grand sight. Cleburne ordered the bands to the front, flags unraveled, bayonets fixed, “and the march at attention resumed, for the purpose of making the strongest display we could. In this order we got nearly to the center of this town, when I was so astonished at the utter silence and desertion, not having seen a human being but two, who both fled.” Cleburne thought it was a little too quiet and halted the brigade. He sent skirmishers forward, but they found no enemy. Cleburne reported that there was no threat to the railroads around Gallatin and mentioned that hundreds of citizens had fled to Grinder’s camp at Columbia. (20)
Upon reaching the house of Colonel John H. Frame, “a bitter enemy, in open arms against us, the chief circulator of all the slanders against us, a man who has ordered the plundering of all the southern-rights men he could find, [Cleburne] ordered his house…to be searched for arms and ammunition.”1 In the house were large quantities of empty gun boxes, receipts for Federal guns that had been sent throughout the country, and other indications that Frame’s house had been used as a recruiting camp. Cleburne ordered the quartermaster to take badly needed supplies such as sheep (that would last the brigade for several days), tallow, sweet oil, and turpentine. (21)
Cleburne tried to convince the people that they were friends to “all but soldiers in arms against us and those giving aid and information. I think on the whole we have succeeded.” Whenever a soldier took private property, Cleburne would return the articles to the houses with a label on it that read “Returned by Southern soldiers.” If something was taken that could not be replaced, Cleburne paid for it out of his own pocket. The exception occurred when a certain old woman claimed that the Confederates had stolen her Bible, as Cleburne refused to believe that his troops would commit such an act. These actions had a profound effect upon the citizens. Cleburne wrote, “Confidence is restored, all the houses open, and families returned…The people all acknowledge they have been grossly lied to.” Another ‘farm’ of Colonel Frame was found and Cleburne supplied the men with meat. He left word behind for Frame that stated “he would settle with him if he would come and see us at Bowling Green.” (22)
On November 15th, about seven miles out of Tompkinsville, Cleburne again wrote Hardee. He had decided to take a different route back to Bowling Green for several reasons. The most important of these was the impression, he feared would be created, of retreating Confederate upon the citizens if he took the same route as he had come. About two miles out of Tompkinsville, the advance guard surprised some enemy pickets. 10 Texas Rangers chased the pickets for about four miles. Suddenly, they found themselves surrounded by 40 Federal cavalry. The Texans managed to escape and promptly called for reinforcements. Cleburne ordered 20 more cavalry to join them and kept 60 in between them and the infantry for communication.
About this time, reports came in of enemy sightings around both the Confederates’ flanks and in the rear. Cleburne did not know whether he was facing an army or just a scouting part. It was completely dark, which only added to the confusion. Cleburne took up a strong position on Skaggs’ Creek and halted. He then loaded up the trains for a quick escape, if need be. “A hotly pressed retreat through 50 miles of hostile country would, I feared, prove very disastrous, and I determined not to be caught in such a trap. I had false camp fires lighted on every surrounding hill, and a wide line of outlying pickets.” (23)
Meanwhile, the Rangers skirmished with the enemy. After a short fight, the enemy broke ranks and fled. In this fight, the enemy lost about two killed while the Rangers did not lose a man. The enemy sightings on the Confederates flanks turned out to be the confused Federals whom the Texans had been skirmishing with.
The next morning, Cleburne decided to turn around and return to Bowling Green on the same road which he had come, fearing that the enemy’s cavalry was the advance guard to a large force. The regiment arrived back at Bowling Green on the 17th. The “expedition [had] accomplished Johnston’s fullest hope.” (24)
Sources
1: The Confederate Military History of Arkansas: chapter one
: Ibid
2: The Confederate Military History of Arkansas: chapter one
3: The Confederate Military History of Arkansas: chapter one
4: Pat Cleburne, Confederate General: Chapter 4 page 42
5: The Lion of the South: chapter 4 page 84
: Ibid
6: The Lion of the South: chapter 4 page 84
7: Pat Cleburne, Confederate General: Chapter 4 page 44
: Ibid
: Ibid
8: Pat Cleburne, Confederate General: Chapter 4 page 44
: Lone Star General: Hiram B. Granbury by Rebecca Blackwell Drake and Thomas D. Holder: page 10
9: Dear Irvie, Dear Lucy: Civil War letters of Cap. Irving A. Buck & Family: page 25
: Ibid: page 26
10: Pat Cleburne, Confederate General: Chapter 4 page 45
: Ibid
: Ibid
: Ibid
11: Pat Cleburne, Confederate General: Chapter 5 page 47
: Ibid
: Ibid: pages 47-48
12: Stonewall of the West: Chapter 3 page 52
13: Stonewall of the West: Chapter 3 page 53
: Ibid
: Pat Cleburne, Confederate General: Chapter 5 page 50
: Ibid
: [LITTLE ROCK] WEEKLY ARKANSAS GAZETTE, July 20, 1861, p. 2, c. 1
14: Pat Cleburne, Confederate General: Chapter 5 page 52
: Stonewall of the West: Chapter 3 page 56
15: Official Records: Series 1 volume 3 part 1 page 702
: Pat Cleburne, Confederate General: Chapter 5 page 53
16: Stonewall of the West: Chapter 3 page 59
17: Pat Cleburne, Confederate General: Chapter 5 pages 54-55
18: Pat Cleburne, Confederate General: Chapter 5 page 55
: Ibid
: Ibid
19: Pat Cleburne, Confederate General: Chapter 5 page 55
20: Pat Cleburne, Confederate General: Chapter 5 page 55
21: Pat Cleburne, Confederate General: Chapter 5 page 56
22: Pat Cleburne, Confederate General: Chapter 5 page 56
: Ibid: page 58
: Ibid
23: Pat Cleburne, Confederate General: Chapter 5 page 57
24: Pat Cleburne, Confederate General: Chapter 5 page 58